Understanding the racial bias you didn't know you had

Understanding the racial bias you didn't know you had

Barack Obama has been confused with a valet.  Teachers have lower expectations for black and Hispanic students. Jurors are more likely to see darker-skinned defendants as guilty.

Sure, you could throw all of these things under the broad category of racism. But some of these disparities are often perpetuated by people who insist that they believe with all their hearts in racial equality.

It seeps into just about every aspect of life

There's a term for what's happening when, despite our best intentions and without our awareness, racial stereotypes and assumptions creep into our minds and affect our actions:  implicit racial bias.

It seeps into just about every aspect of life, including areas like criminal justice that can have deadly consequences. Thirty years of neurology and cognitive psychology studies show that it influences the way we see and treat others, even when we're absolutely determined to be, and believe we are being, fair and objective.

That's why implicit racial bias has been called "the new diversity paradigm — one that recognizes the role that bias plays in the day-to-day functioning of all human beings."

Here's what you need to know about how it works.

What is implicit bias?

(Shutterstock)

The first step in understanding how implicit racial bias works is to understand the general concept of implicit bias, which can shape the way we think about lots of different qualities: age, gender, nationality, even height.

You can think of it generally as  "thoughts about people you didn't know you had."

Two of the leading scholars in the field, Mahzarin Banaji and Anthony G. Greenwald, capture it well in the title of a book they wrote about the concept. It's called "Blindspot: Hidden Biases of Good People"

You can think of it generally as  "thoughts about people you didn't know you had"

What do these "blind spots" look like, and how do they shape behavior?  Well, if you have a stereotype about Asian people that labels them as "foreign," implicit bias means you might have trouble associating even Asian-American people with speaking fluent English or being American citizens. If you've picked up on cultural cues that women are homemakers, it means you might have a harder time connecting women to powerful roles in business despite your conscious belief in gender equality.

The effects aren't always negative: if you have a positive attitude about your alma mater, implicit bias could mean you feel more at ease around someone who you know also graduated from there than you do around people who went to other schools.

But there are a couple of things make implicit bias especially fascinating and potentially insidious:

First, since our thoughts often determine our actions, implicit bias can lead to discriminatory behaviors (more on those below). Second, it is impossible to detect without taking a test. In other words, you can't sit down and do introspection about your biases, and you can't just decide not to let them affect your attitudes and actions. Implicit bias lives deep in your subconscious, and it is largely separate from the biases you know you have.

How does implicit racial bias affect the way we think about race?

(Shutterstock)

Implicit bias comes from the messages, attitudes, and stereotypes we pick up from the world we live in, and research over time and from different countries shows that it tends to line up with general social hierarchies.

Studies have shown that people have implicit biases that favor Germans over Turks (in Germany), Japanese over Koreans (in Japan), men over women (when it comes to career-related stereotypes), youth over elderly, and straight people over gay people.

So, it's no surprise race is a prime area for implicit bias, and if you live in America, you can probably make an educated guess about some of the ways it tends to play out: among other things, there's a widespread preference for light skinned over dark skinned and white over black.

How is this related to regular old racism?

(Shutterstock)

Implicit racial bias tends to work against the same groups that are the victims of the type of overt racism that you hear from white supremacists or the more subtle bigotry of people who believe that racial minorities suffer from cultural pathology or who actively defend racial and ethnic stereotypes.

But it can also affect the minds of people who would say — honestly — that they are horrified by these types of attitudes. That's because the implicit associations we hold often don't align with our declared beliefs.

the implicit associations we hold often don't align with our declared beliefs

As Cynthia Lee, a professor at the George Washington University School of Law, has explained, "the social science research demonstrates that one does not have to be a racist with a capital R, or one who intentionally discriminates on the basis of race, to harbor implicit racial biases."

In all areas touched by implicit bias, including race, we tend to hold biases that favor the group that we belong to (what researchers call our "ingroup"). But research has shown that we can also hold implicit biases against our ingroup. So yes, white Americans generally have implicit biases against other races, but racial minorities can hold implicit biases against themselves, too. These results are rarely reflective of conscious attitudes.

How do you figure out whether you have implicit racial bias?

To evaluate implicit bias, scientists mostly use tests that measure reaction time and rely on the idea that if we closely associate two concepts in our minds, they'll be easy for us to sort together. And if we don't associate them, they'll be harder, and take more time, to sort together.

The most popular of these tests is the Implicit Association Test, or IAT. Anthony Greenwald and his colleagues invented it in the mid-1990s. An organization called Project Implicit, maintained by Greenwald, Mahzarin Banjai, and Brian Nosek, allows people to take it online. The test is basically a video game that you play on a computer, the object of which is to sort categories of pictures and words.

An image from an implicit-bias test at Project Implicit

Here's an example of how it measures implicit racial bias: in the black-white race attitude test, test takers are asked to sort pictures of white and black people's faces, and positive and negative words, by pressing one of two keys on the keyboard. It turns out that most people are able to do this more quickly when the white faces and positive words are assigned to the same key (black faces and negative words are assigned to the other key), compared with when white faces and negative words are assigned to the same key (and black faces and positive words are assigned to the other key). The difference in the time it takes a user to respond in different situations is the measure of implicit bias. Try a test yourself at Project Implicit.

"[M]y hands were literally frozen when I had to associate black with good"

Here's how Banaji explained the way taking the IAT feels, in a 2013 interview with the Boston Globe:

"So when I took the test ... it was stunning for me to discover that my hands were literally frozen when I had to associate black with good. It's like I couldn't find the key on the keyboard, and doing the other version, the white-good, black-bad version was trivial. So the first thought that I had was: 'Something's wrong with this test.' Three seconds later, it sunk in that this test was telling me something so important that it would require a re-evaluation of my mind, not of the test."

How do the implicit racial biases the IAT reveals play out in reality?

Implicit racial bias can shape our beliefs and assumptions, color the way we treat other people, and even help decide what "feels true" for us when it comes to larger social and political issues.

Banaji explained that in one version of the IAT, researchers took famous Asian Americans such as Connie Chung and Michael Chang and Kristi Yamaguchi and picked white foreigners such as Hugh Grant, Katarina Witt, and Gerard Depardieu, and asked test takers to connect them to American symbols and foreign symbols. They found it was easier to associate Hugh Grant with American symbols than Connie Chung. "That shows how deeply the category 'American' is white" in many people's minds, she said.

It was easier to associate Hugh Grant with American symbols than Connie Chung

She went on to explain what she said were the connotations of implicit bias when it comes to politics: "The reason I especially like that result is that in the first Obama election and since then, the issue has come up about these 'birthers,' and I think what we captured there was a little bit of a birther in all of us. I think this is where conscious attitudes matter. You and I say, 'I consciously know Barack Obama was born in this country, and I believe this because the evidence is there.' For some people who we might write off as the lunatic fringe, the association to be American is to be white. I can see for them that feels true."

What are the main areas in which implicit racial bias affects our everyday lives?

Implicit biases are pervasive.  Researchers say everyone possesses them, even people like judges, who have avowed commitments to impartiality.

And they don't just stay tucked away in our unconscious until they're revealed by a computer game. They determine how we behave. There is increasing evidence that implicit bias — including implicit racial bias, which the IAT measures — predicts behavior in the real world. This behavior, of course, harms the people who are members of groups that are the subjects of negative implicit bias.

For example, research has shown that it can affect healthcare: in one study, despite self-reporting very little explicit bias, two out of three clinicians were found to harbor implicit bias against blacks and Latinos. And it turns out that this affected the care that black patients got: the stronger the clinicians' implicit bias against blacks relative to whites, the lower the black patients rated them on all four sub-scales of patient-centered care. It's also been connected to racial discrimination in hiring, performance evaluations, housing discrimination, and even perceptions of neighborhood crime.

How does implicit bias affect criminal justice?

(Shutterstock)

Criminal justice — from arrests, to police shootings, to juries' perceptions of defendants — is such a rich area for implicit racial bias to operate that it deserves its own separate discussion.

To understand the gaping racial disparities in criminal justice, it helps to understand implicit bias. As Vox's German Lopez has explained:

Part of the problem is outright racism among some judges and cops, socioeconomic disparities that can drive more crime, and drug laws that disproportionately affect black Americans. But the other explanation is that cops, like everyone else, carry this implicit bias, which experts agree affects how they police people of different races. Since these are the people who carry out the initial steps of law enforcement, this bias might launch a cascading effect of racial disparities that starts with simple arrests and ends in prison or death.

These are a few ways implicit bias has been found to operate at every level of the criminal-justice system:

• Studies have shown that a person's level of implicit racial bias predicts the amount of shooter bias — meaning, how much easier it is to shoot African Americans compared with white people in a video-game situation. And when researchers at the University of Colorado at Boulder and California State University at Northridge  reviewed a decade of empirical evidence about cops and implicit bias in 2012, they found police officers seem to possess implicit bias that might make them more likely to shoot black suspects than white ones.
• Writing for the Yale Law Journal in 2013, L. Song Richardson and Phillip Atiba Goff demonstrated that the triage practices by which defense attorneys accept their cases can be informed by implicit racial bias and argued that the overwhelming case loads and time constraints create an environment in which implicit bias has an outsized influence on judgments.
• In a 2013 Law and Society Review article, Casey Reynolds examined how jurors unknowingly enter the courtroom with a set of inferences informed by implicit bias that can determine how they decide what constitutes "reasonable doubt."
• In a 2013 article for Court Review, Kimberly Papillion addressed the idea that well-meaning judges can have neurophysiological responses that activate implicit racial biases, concluding that "Assuming that judges can simply try harder to be fair, take more time when making decision, or utilize their egalitarian value systems to eliminate bias in their decision-making process is naïve. The solutions should be tailored to the neurophysiologic reactions that infuse bias into the sentencing decisions."

Can you get rid of implicit racial bias?

The good news is that there is some evidence that implicit biases, including implicit racial biases, are malleable.

There are studies that demonstrate that you can at least produce shifts

Several different approaches have shown promise for getting rid of implicit bias, generally, which all apply to implicit racial bias, too.

• Counter-stereotypic training: People can be trained, using visual or verbal cues, to develop new associations that contrast with the stereotypes they hold.
• Exposure to individuals who defy stereotypes:  Being made aware of people who challenge the assumptions that fuel our biases — for example, male nurses, elderly athletes, or female scientists — has shown potential to decrease them.
• Intergroup contact: Simply having contact with the people about whom you have bias can reduce it. But researchers have found the contact typically has to involve individuals sharing equal status and common goals, a cooperative rather than competitive environment, and the presence of support from authority figures, laws, or customs.
• Education efforts aimed at raising awareness about implicit bias: the criminal-justice and health-care realms especially have embraced this approach.
• Taking the perspective of others: considering contrasting viewpoints and recognizing multiple perspectives can reduce automatic implicit bias.
• Mindfulness-meditation techniques: new research suggests that these can reduce implicit bias by short-circuiting negative associations.

While these methods are promising, implicit biases are really tough to shake. As Banaji told the Boston Globe, "I would say we should not be naïve about how easily we can change them. On the other hand, there are studies that demonstrate that you can at least produce shifts."

The Geography of a Woman and a Man

Woman in Life's Stages

The Geography of a Woman

Between 18 and 22, a woman is like Africa. Half discovered, 
half wild, fertile and naturally Beautiful!

Between 23 and 30, a woman is like Europe. Well developed and 
open to trade, especially for someone of real value.
Between 31 and 35, a woman is like Spain, very hot, 
relaxed and convinced of her own beauty.

Between 36 and 40, a woman is like Greece, gently aging 
but still a warm and desirable place to visit.

Between 41 and 50, a woman is like Great Britain, 
with a glorious and all conquering past.

Between 51 and 60, a woman is like Israel, has been through war, 
doesn't make the same mistakes twice, takes care of business. 

Between 61 and 70, a woman is like Canada, 
self-preserving, but open to meeting new people.

After 70, she becomes Tibet . 
Wildly beautiful, with a mysterious past and the wisdom of the ages.
An adventurous spirit and a thirst for spiritual knowledge.  


THE  GEOGRAPHY OF A MAN  
Between 1 and 80, a man is like Iran, 
ruled by a pair of nuts.

THE  END.

THE IRS FRAUD ON AMERICA

   CROSSHAIRS: The Internal Revenue Scandal [FULL MOVIE]

"Make them cry... You're not out there to take any prisoners... Enforce collection until they come to their knees." -- Instructions given at a 1996 IRS training lecture

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8RKdCvK4xz8&feature=player_profilepage

"More tax is collected by fear and intimidation than by the law. People are afraid of the IRS." -- Former IRS District Chief David Patnoe

For taxpayers everywhere, terror is spelled I-R-S -- but the Internal Revenue Service is much more than just the world's most fearsome and ruthless tax collection agency. Current and former IRS officials have described how the agency literally considers itself to be at war with the tax-paying public. Leaked videos of IRS employee training sessions have revealed how agents have been taught to use unethical and illegal means to extract money from long-suffering taxpayers, and to retaliate against anybody -- whether ordinary citizen or conscience-stricken agency employee -- who objects.

Since at least 2011, the IRS has carried out another role -- that of harassing and persecuting the Obama administration's political rivals, while granting special privileges to his allies. Anybody who belonged to a group with words like "Patriot" or "Tea Party" in its name found himself in the IRS's cross-hairs.

This illegal harassment wasn't limited to one state, or one region -- and it didn't end with invasive questions about finances, donors, and membership lists. Like secret police investigators in a Communist country, IRS officials looking into the activities of pro-life activists scrutinized the "content of their prayers" for supposedly inappropriate political content, and even tried to impose limits on their peaceful outreach and activism.

While the IRS was carrying out this campaign of persecution, its employees were spending tens of millions of dollars on extravagant employee retreats -- and unlike common taxpayers, they weren't required to keep track of their expenses. When they weren't busy abusing taxpayers and wasting their money, unionized IRS employees were preparing for the most radical expansion of the agency's mandate in its history, which will put it in charge of enforcing the new "Obamacare" law.

That's right: Under Obamacare, the IRS will have the power to make life-and-death decisions affecting every U.S. citizen -- and the officials directly responsible for the harassment of the Tea Party movement will have critical roles in administering the new government-run health care system.

How did we end up with the IRS? What are the dangers it represents to innocent taxpayers? What can be done to rein in that rogue agency -- and is it possible for us to be rid of it completely? You owe it to yourself to see "Crosshairs: The Internal Revenue Scandal" -- and to share what you learn with your friends and family. Your lives and those of your loved ones may literally depend on it.

***************************************************

References provided for your study: 

http://save-a-patriot.net/articles/confess.html  

http://famguardian.org/publications/greatirshoax/greatirshoax.htm 

http://mystrangemind.com/2006/08/irs-exposed-irs-is-privately-owned.html 

http://www.henrymakow.com/bankrupt_america_under_judicia.html 

http://research.lfb.org/research/video/lfl_taxes_0214?code=LLFLQ391&n=LFL_taxes_0214 

Tommy wrote a document titled The Memorandum. 

http://reviveamericanow.myfastforum.org/archive/hard-cold-facts-concerning-the-irs__o_t__t_57.html

Obamacare cuts Medicaid doctor pay 42 percent in 2015. Here's why.

Obamacare cuts Medicaid doctor pay 42 percent in 2015. Here's why.

Thousands of Medicaid doctors are bracing for a tough start to 2015: a 42 percent pay cut.
The Affordable Care Act temporarily boosted payment rates for primary care doctors who see Medicaid patients in 2013 and 2014. The idea was to make sure doctors kept participating in Medicaid — which typically has low reimbursement rates — even as the program expanded to cover millions more Americans this year.
That earlier Obamacare pay raise was big, averaging out to a 73 percent increase for primary care doctors across the country. But it was also temporary, lasting only two years, and is set to run out on December 31. That means, beginning January 1, 2015, Medicaid doctors will earn less each time they see a patient — or, they could decide to pull out of the program altogether. Nobody is totally sure which way doctors will go.
Here's a quick guide to why the raise happened, why it's running out, and what it means for the future of Obamacare.

1) Obamacare raised Medicaid's primary care payments in 2013 and 2014

It's long been true of the American health care system that Medicare (the federal insurance program that covers the elderly) pays doctors more than Medicaid (the state-federal insurance program that covers the poor).
On average, Medicaid paid doctors about two-thirds of what Medicare pays — although, as this map shows, there's lots of variation across the country.

(Kaiser Family Foundation)

Even though Medicaid paid less, it has usually done a pretty good job making sure patients can get in to see primary care doctors. But there was a worry that, after Obamacare, that might not be the case. Medicaid is one of the two big programs the law relies on to expand health insurance coverage (the other is the marketplaces). Forecasters had estimated that 13 million additional people would join the program in Obamacare's first decade, and 7 million of those people would sign up in the first year.
Research has found that doctors are more likely to accept new Medicaid patients when their payment rates are higher. And the Affordable Care Act included a provision that aimed to entice doctors to sticking with — or perhaps joining — the program as it expanded to cover millions more Americans.
Beginning in 2013, the law bumped Medicaid primary care doctors' reimbursement rates up to match those of Medicare (specialists did not get any increase). The law funded the increased payments through the end of 2014, setting up a looming cliff that we're now approaching.

2) Doctors will see a 42 percent pay cut in 2015

(Urban Institute)

That's an estimate from the Urban Institute, which ran the numbers on how payment rates will change in 2015.
The decline will vary a lot from state to state. That's because each state sets its own payment rates for primary care doctors. In a state like California, for example, which tended to pay Medicaid doctors very low rates, Obamacare has doubled their fees. But in North Carolina, where the two programs fees were more similar, the pay rate increase was much smaller.

3) The federal government will not extend the pay cut

Mostly because it's expensive: the two years of the pay-bump cost the federal government $11 billion.
Medicaid advocacy groups have lobbied Congress a bit to extend the pay cut for at least two years now. And Sens. Patty Murray (D-WA) and Sherrod Brown (D-OH) did introduce legislation that would extend the pay bump until 2016.
"We’re ready to lobby for what’s right to improve the situation," Roland Goertz, chair of the Academy of Family Physicians, had said in 2012 about extending the pay cut. "We’re ready to go to the mat for what works, and we need to be going in this direction."
But the issue hasn't gotten traction; the Murray-Brown bill has languished in committee since its introduction this past summer. And that means, barring any last minute miracle, Medicaid payment rates will decline in many states — but not all — on Thursday.

4) Fifteen states are stepping in to extend the payment raise

(Kaiser Family Foundation)

Medicaid is a joint federal-state program, with the two governments splitting the bill for patients' coverage. And, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation, 15 states will step in and provide funding to either fully or partially continue the payment increase.
What's notable about this map, however, is that the states stepping in tend to be those that were already paying Medicaid doctors pretty well in the first place. They are places like New Mexico that, before Obamacare, paid primary doctors 85 percent of the Medicare rate, or Mississippi, which paid 90 percent.
The states that have a much bigger gap between Medicaid and Medicare payments, like California, are not generally not stepping in to avert the payment cut. This is probably due to the fact that fixing the bigger gaps is so much more expensive.

5) Nobody knows what this will mean for Medicaid patients' access to care

The worry among Medicaid advocates is that lower payment rates will translate into fewer doctors being willing to see patients. This is a articulated in a recent New York Times article, citing data from Ohio:

A survey by the Ohio State Medical Association found that some Ohio doctors began accepting Medicaid patients because of the rate increase in 2013. Ohio doctors who were already participating in the program said they had accepted more Medicaid patients after the rate increase. And almost 40 percent of Ohio doctors indicated that they planned to accept fewer Medicaid patients when the extra payments lapsed.

Previous studies have shown that states that pay more for primary care in Medicaid do have more doctors accepting new patients. This chart from Health Affairs shows the correlation:

(Health Affairs)

Those are the reasons for concern — but there are also reasons to think things might go okay, too. Medicaid patients tend to have just as good access to primary care as patients in private coverage. One 2012 study commissioned by the federal government found that Medicaid patients are equally as likely to have had a routine check-up in the past year as those with private insurance. The real challenges in access tend to happen when patients seek speciality care.
And it's worth keeping in mind there were thousands of doctors who saw Medicaid patients prior to the Affordable Care Act's pay bump. These are people who, even before they got a big raise, thought it made sense to see these patients at lower rates. That gives decent reason to think that these doctors will stick around after the pay increase disappears, too.

Astonishing List of 71 Top Bankers Dead and No Natural Causes!

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I've recently stumbled across a list of top bankers that have been killed in cold blood, died in "accidents" or have allegedly committed suicide. In some of the cases, their deaths are so suspicious that the 'suicide' verdict is simply ridiculous, as you will see.

While searching for news reports documenting their deaths, I've managed to find a lot more cases of high ranking bankers that have been found dead in suspect circumstances. I've added the cases to the list and included the appropriate reference links.

The fact that none of them died of natural causes is absolutely stunning.

Before proceeding to the list, I suggest you reading the following piece: 'Suiciding' the Bankers and Billionaires -- Do You Know Why?

1. Nov - Shawn Miller, 42, Citigroup managing director - found dead in bathtub with throat slashed. Murder weapon is missing. - Reference.

2. Oct - Edmund Reilly, 47, a trader at Midtown's Vertical Group, threw himself in front of a speeding Long Island Rail Road commuter train. - Reference.

3. Jan - William 'Bill' Broeksmit, 58, HUNG/POSSIBLE SUICIDE - Reference.

4. June - Richard Gravino, 49, Application Team Lead, JP Morgan, SUDDEN DEATH cause unknown/pending

5. June - James McDonald - President & CEO of Rockefeller & Co - apparently self-inflicted, GUNSHOT WOUND

6. May - Thomas Schenkman, 42, Managing Director of Global Infrastructure, JP Morgan, SUDDEN DEATH, cause unknown/pending

7. May - Naseem Mubeen - Assistant Vice President ZBTL Bank, Islamabad, SUICIDE jumped

8. May - Daniel Leaf - senior manager at the Bank of Scotland/Saracen Fund Managers, FELL OFF A CLIFF

9. May - Nigel Sharvin - Senior Relationship Manager Ulster Bank manage portfolio of distressed businesses, ACCIDENTAL DROWNING

10. April - Lydia (no surname given) 52, France's Bred-Banque-Populaire, SUICIDE jumped - Reference.

11. April - Li Jianhua, 49, Non-bank Financial Institutions Supervision Department of the regulator, HEART ATTACK

12. April - Benedict Philippens, Director/Manager Bank Ans-Saint-Nicolas, SHOT

13. April - Tanji Dewberry - Assistant Vice President, Credit Suisse, HOUSE FIRE

14. April - Amir Kess, co-founder and managing director Markstone Capital Group private equity fund, CYCLIST HIT BY CAR

15. April - Juergen Frick, 48, Bank Frick & Co. AG, SHOT Dead

16. April - Jan Peter Schmittmann - former CEO of Dutch Bank ABN Amro, (Possibly suicide, SHOT)

17. April - Andrew Jarzyk - Assistant Vice President, Commercial Banking at PNC Financial Services Group, MISSING/DEAD

18. March - Mohamed Hamwi - System Analyst at Trepp, a financial data and analytics firm, SHOT

19. March - Joseph Giampapa - JP Morgan lawyer, CYCLIST HIT BY MINIVAN

20. March - Kenneth Bellando, 28, (youngest) former JP Morgan, SUICIDE, allegedly jumping from his apartment building. - Reference.

21. Feb - John Ruiz Morgan Stanley Municipal Debt Analyst, died suddenly, NO CAUSE GIVEN

22. Feb - Jason Alan Salais, 34, Information Technology specialist at JPMorgan, FOUND DEAD outside a Walgreens pharmacy

23. Feb - Autumn Radtke, CEO of First Meta Bitcoin, a cyber-currency exchange firm, "Suspected SUICIDE" - Reference.

24. Feb - James Stuart Jr., Former National Bank of Commerce CEO, FOUND DEAD - Reference.

25. Feb - Edmund (Eddie) Reilly, trader at Midtown's Vertical Group, SUICIDE

26. Feb - Li Junjie, JP Morgan, Alleged SUICIDE after jumping from the JP Morgan HQ in Hong Kong - Reference.

27. Feb - Ryan Henry Crane, 37, Executive at JP Morgan, SUDDEN DEATH cause unknown - Reference.

28. Feb - Richard Talley -- A coroner's spokeswoman Thursday said Talley was found in his garage by a family member who called authorities. They said Talley died from seven or eight self-inflicted wounds from a nail gun fired into his torso and head. -- Reference.

29. Jan - Gabriel Magee, 39, JP Morgan employee, dead after allegedly jumping from the rooftop of JP Morgan HQ in Europe - Reference.

30. July - Julian Knott, 45, JPMorgan Executive Director, Global Tier 3 Network Operations, allegedly shot his wife multiple times, then shot himself dead. - Reference.

The villa where Julian and Alita Knott were found shot dead

 31. Jan - Mike Dueker, Suicide -- “Suicide” By 13 Meter Embankment (40-50 feet). He may have jumped over a 4-foot (1.2-meter) fence before falling down a 40- to 50-foot embankment.” - Reference.

Dueker worked at Seattle-based Russell for five years, and developed a business-cycle index that forecast economic performance. He was previously an assistant vice president and research economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. - Reference.

32. Jan - Carl Slym, SUICIDE

33. Jan - Tim Dickenson, Communications Director at Swiss Re AG, SUDDEN DEATH cause unknown

34. Dec 2013 - Robert Wilson, a retired hedge fund founder, apparent SUICIDE leaped to his death from his 16th floor residence

35. Dec 2013 - Joseph . Ambrosio, age 34, Financial Analyst for J.P. Morgan, died suddenly from Acute Respiratory Syndrome

36. Dec 2013 - Benjamin Idim, CAR ACCIDENT

37. Dec 2013 - Susan Hewitt - Deutsche Bank, DROWNING

38. Nov 2013 - Patrick Sheehan, CAR ACCIDENT

39. Nov 2013 - Michael Anthony Turner, Career Banker, CAUSE UNKOWN

40. Nov 2013 - Venera Minakhmetova Former Financial Analyst at Bank of America Merrill Lynch, CYCLIST HIT

41. Oct 2013 - Michael Burdin, SUICIDE

42. Oct 2013 - Ezdehar Husainat - former JP Morgan banker, killed in FREAK ACCIDENT when her SUV crushed her to death

43. Sept 2013 - Guy Ratovondrahona -Madagascar central bank, Sudden death - cause not confirmed

44. Aug 2013 - Pierre Wauthier, SUICIDE

45. Aug 2013 - Moritz Erhardt, SUICIDE

46. July 2013 Hussain Najadi CEO of merchant bank AIAK Group, SHOT

47. July 2013 Carsten Schloter, SUICIDE

48. July 2013 Sascha Schornstein - RBS in its commodity finance, MISSING

49. April 2013 David William Waygood, SUICIDE

50. Mar 2013 - David Rossi - communications director of troubled Italian bank Monte dei Paschi di Siena (MPS), SUICIDE

Lethal, but not fatal (more than one way to skin a banker)

51. Fang Fang - JP Morgan, China, DISGRACED

52. Nick Bagnall - Director at Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi, son accidentally killed himself while trying to re-enact a Tudor hanging

53. Robin Clark - RP Martin -Wolf of Shenfield City banker shot, SURVIVED

54. Kevin Bespolka - Citi Capital Advisors, Dresdner Bank, Merrill Lynch and Morgan Stanley, Seriously injured and son dead

55. Robert Wheeler, 49, a Deutsche Bank financial advisor, DISGRACED

56. Chris Latham - Bank of America, ON TRIAL, Murder for Hire

57. Igor Artamonov - West Siberian Bank of Sberbank, Daughter found dead (POSSIBLE SUICIDE)

58. Hector Sants, Barclays - resigned due to stress and exhaustion, after being told he risked more serious consequences to his health if he continued to work - a remarkable turnaround as the Church reportedly approached him two months later and was told he had made a full recovery.

More suspicious deaths 

59. April 21st Bruce A. Schaal, 63, died suddenly Banker in Twin Lakes for 35 years

60. April 20th Keith Barnish 58, Died Suddenly (Still working as Senior Managing Director at Doral Financial Corporation. Previously Bear Stearns, Bank of America Senior Vice President).

61. March 12th Jeffrey Corzine, 31, son of MF Global CEO and Chairman Jon Corzine involved in major banking crime was found dead in an apparent suicide.

62. Keiran Toman, 39, former banker who believed he was being stalked by a reality TV crew starved to death in a hotel room, after leaving the "do not disturb" sign on door for TWO weeks.

[Highly suspicious claims, as many of us probably know that the hotel cleaning staff will knock on the door after 24 hours and eventually enter the room if failing to respond].

An inquest was opened after his death in July 2010 but his family asked for a second hearing as they were not informed. Police found all of Mr Toman's possessions in the room, but despite documents mentioning his family, failed to tell them he had died. -- Reference.

63. Nicholas Austin, 49, A former bank manager from Hersden died after drinking antifreeze in an effort to "get high". was found in a coma by his wife Lynn at their home in Blackthorne Road on October 5. He died the same day. - Reference.

"I took special note of the last one - he died drinking antifreeze in an attempt to "get high"! Funny one that is, as if a banker would be stupid enough to try that. The list is shocking, I never saw so many suicides and car accidents. No gall bladder stones, cancer deaths, strokes, or simply falling ill, it is just a litany of action. That pretty much says it all." - Jim Stone Freelance

The list continues... 

64. Melissa Millian, 54, Senior Vice President at MassMutual Financial Group, stabbed in the chest near a jogging alley in Connecticut - Reference.

65. Karl Slym, 51, Tata Motors managing director - not a banker, but a top official that could be connected somehow to the others - discovered dead on the fourth floor of the Shangri-La hotel in Bangkok.

66. Geert Tack was a private banker for ING and managed portfolios of wealthy clients in Blegium. The cause of death was unknown at the time of the report, but he disappeared in mysterious circumstances, after driving his personal car to a garage from which he took a replacement car to an unknown destination. His body was found in November 2014 near the shores of the Ostend coast. - Reference.

67. Thieu Leenen, 64, Relatiemanager ABN/AMRO, Eindhoven, Nederland

68. Calogero Gambino, 41, Associate General Counsel and Managing Director at Deutsche Bank, America - Alleged SUICIDE by hanging - Reference.

69. Thierry Leyne, 48, banker at Anatevka S.A., Israël, "apparent SUICIDE"- Reference.

70. Tod Robert Edward, 51, Vice President of M&T Bank, Lancaster and Harrisburg Offices, and served as President of the Mortgage Banker's Assn - died on August 31st, 2014, on Grindstone Island, Clayton, NY, from injuries sustained in an accident. - Reference.

71. Therese Brouwer, 50, Managing Director ING, Nederland - Died in MH17 Crash - For me, this is absolutely HUGE, as I've spent weeks debunking the official story and, IMO, proving the false flag. - Reference.

If you stumble across more suspicious top banking deaths, please post the link in a comment down below and I will make sure to update the list. Thank you!

By Alexander Light, HumansAreFree.com; | Reference: Hang the banker;

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