For
you --- the First Inaugural Speech of FDR, which is the only one that
truly counts, de-constructed with all key legal terms of art in purple.
These are all terms that a person with a normal 7th or 8th grade
education (the standard for law written at this time) could not possibly
be expected to know as legal terms apart from their common meaning.
Please note that two days later on March 6, 1933, FDR addressed The
Conference of Governors (private, Territorial) and secured the "pledge"
of "their states" and "citizenry thereof"---- which could only and
exclusively mean the British Territorial United States and the
Territorial States of States put in place during the Reconstruction Era:
SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my
induction into the Presidency I will
address
them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our
Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the
whole truth,
frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions
in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured,
will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm
belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless,
unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to
convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a
leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and
support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am
convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these
critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face
our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things.
Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability
to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious
curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents
of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every
side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many
years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host
of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an
equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist
can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress
comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of
locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered
because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be
thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have
multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it
languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because
the
rulers of the exchange of mankind's
goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own
incompetence, have admitted their failure, and
abdicated.
Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the
court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern
of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed
only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which
to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have
resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.
They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no
vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled from their high seats in the
temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply
social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy
of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral
stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of
evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if
they teach us that our true destiny is not to be
ministered unto but to
minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the
abandonment
of the false belief that public office and high political position are
to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal
profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business
which too often has given to a
sacred trust
the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that
confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the
sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in
ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be
accomplished in part by direct
recruiting
by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the
emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment,
accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the
use of our natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must
frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial
centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a
redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those
best fitted for the land.
The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of
agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of
our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of
the growing loss through
foreclosure of our
small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the
Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that
their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of
relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and
unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and
supervision of
all forms of transportation and of communications and other
utilities which have a definitely
public character.
There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be
helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two
safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be
a
strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound
currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new
Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and
I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own
national house
in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade
relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity
secondary to the establishment of a sound
national economy.
I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I
shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic
readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that
accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not
narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various
elements
in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and
permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the
pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the
strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate
this Nation to
the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects
himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the
neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the
sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have
never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can
not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward,
we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to
sacrifice for the good of a
common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to
submit our lives and property to such
discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a
larger good. This I
propose to
offer,
pledging that the larger purposes will
bind upon us all as a
sacred obligation with a
unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.
With this
pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great
army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action
in this image and to this end is feasible under the
form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our
Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by
changes in emphasis and
arrangement without loss of essential
form.
That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most
superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It
has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of
bitter internal strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped
that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be
wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be
that an unprecedented demand and need for un-delayed action may call for
temporary departure from that
normal balance of
public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of
its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional
authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But in the event that
the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the
event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade
the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the
Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--
broad Executive power
to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would
be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the
trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the
national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious
moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stem
performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent
national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential
democracy. The people of the
United States have not failed. In their need they have
registered a
mandate
that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline
and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument
of their wishes. In the
spirit of the
gift I take it.
In this
dedication of a
Nation we humbly ask the blessing of
God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
______________________________________________________
Comment: each and every single one of the words appearing in purple
are special legal terms and words of art having particular meanings and
implications that no eighth grader on Earth could be expected to know.
What he basically said in "Federal-ese" is that
he was going to conscript everyone, seize upon their lives and property
as "gifts", "pledge" it all to royal and religious institutional
creditors (primarily the Holy See), regulate everything especially labor
and utilities to high Hell for government profits, re-distribute wealth
and displace populations, impose gag orders on the media, and prey
upon the actual American People for the "good" of the "democracy" of the
"United States" ----which virtually everyone in that audience
interpreted as meaning The United States and as America, not the
separate foreign hegemony of the deceptively similarly-named British
Territorial United States.
Anyone still want to
claim that it was "our fault" and that we '"voluntarily" "consented"
to all of this crap and that we were given "full disclosure" of what FDR
set in motion and all the false claims in commerce and the false
conscriptions and confiscations that he and his pals in the Democratic
Party pulled against the innocent American States and People?