Forget
Dodd-Frank; Revisited Chicago Plan would Eliminate Bank Money Creation, the
FOMC and FDIC
October 24, 2012 11:20 AM
In an IMF working paper titled "The Chicago Plan Revisited"
by Jaromir Benes and Michael Kumhof (August 2012), the authors try to
substantiate the claims of Irving Fisher in 1936 that such a scheme would;
(1) Control of a major source of business cycle fluctuations, i.e.,
sudden increases and contractions of bank credit and of the supply of
bank-created money,
(2) Complete elimination of bank runs, and therefore the need for the FDIC or any
government-sponsored deposit insurance.
(3) Dramatically reduce net public debt,
(4) Dramatically reduce private debt, as money creation no longer
requires simultaneous debt creation.
Using a model of the U.S. banking
system in a DSGE (dynamic stochastic general equilibrium) model of the U.S.
economy, the IMF paper claims output gains would reach 10%,
and steady state inflation dropping to zero without posing problems for the
conduct of monetary policy.
An Economy Dependent on Unmitigated Debt (Credit) Creation for Growth
Private banks don't make loans because they have extra deposits lying
around. The process is the exactly opposite:
(1) Each private bank "creates" loans out of thin air by
entering into binding loan commitments with borrowers, corresponding
liabilities are created on their books at the same time.
(2) If the bank doesn't have the required level of reserves, it simply
borrows them after the fact from the central bank (or from another bank).
(3) The central bank, in turn, creates the money which it lends to the
private banks out of thin air.
It has long been recognized that the major failing of private sector
money (credit) creation is that it is uncontrolled and creates boom-bust
cycles. The large expansion of private credit in the period leading up to
the Great Depression was only one of many historical examples of a
bank-induced boom-bust cycle, although its severity was exacerbated by
mistakes of the Federal Reserve. Even in the worst example of money printing in
modern history, i.e., the German (Weimer Rupublic) hyperin?ation of 1923, the
real problem ostensibly was that the Allies insisted on grating total private
control over the Reichsbank, the German central bank. The Reichsbank as a
private institution allowed private banks to issue massive amounts of currency
which the Reichsbank readily exchanged for Reichsmarks on demand, while the
private Reichsbank also enabled speculators to short-sell the currency.
It is therefore amazing to learn that Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke is
reportedly pushing to eliminate all reserve requirements in the U.S. In other
words, American banks won't even have to borrow from the Fed or other banks
after the fact to maintain required reserves, thereby completely removing any
semblance of control on the creation of money/credit/debt. Yes,
government/central bank capital requirements as well as Basell I and Basel III
capital requirements ostensibly offer some discipline, but with governments
explicitly back-stopping their "too-big-to-fail" financial institutions
with bailouts, guarantees and various measures, these capital requirements are
not that serious a deterrent. Thus the world economy is essentially driven by
an ever-expanding mountain of debt, where any slight contraction in this debt
(total credit outstanding) is enough to plunge an economy into serious
recession/depression. Between 2007 and 2011, the World Bank estimates domestic
credit created in the U.S. by the banking sector (excluding monetary
authorities) at 233% of GDP, with only countries like the U.K. (214%), Japan
(341%), Ireland (226%), Spain (229%) and Portugal (204%) coming close. In
the U.S., the financial sector has swelled to a dominating position in the
economy. From 1973 to 1985, the financial sector never earned more than 16% of
total domestic corporate profits. In the 1990s, it oscillated between 21% and
30%, and surged to 41% in the next decade. Thus while finance and insurance
accounted for only 4% of U.S. GDP in the 1960s, it swelled to 8% of GDP by
2007. The International Institute of Labor Studies estimates that nearly 1 in
every 20 U.S. workers were employed in the financial sector in 2007.
The Chicago Plan in a Nutshell
In the midst of the Great Depression in 1933 and the obviously serious
failure of the monetary system (not just the gold standard) leading
U.S. macroeconomists came up with a radical proposal for monetary reform
than became known as the Chicago
Plan. Its strongest proponent was professor Henry Simons of the University of
Chicago, while it was also supported by the infamous Irving Fisher of Yale
University. In a nutshell, the Plan would require 100% (fully reserve-backed)
bank deposits, versus the current 500-year old fractional reserve system
whereby a bank must hold only a fraction of its total deposit liabilities in
the form of vault cash or deposits with Federal Reserve Banks. In the U.S., the
Fed defines reservable liabilities as net transaction accounts, nonpersonal
time deposits, and Eurocurrency liabilities. Private sector money creation in a
fractional reserve banking system requires loans from the banking system and
therefore an equivalent increase in debt in order for any new money to be
created, resulting in an exponential increase in debt, to the point that the
system collapses on itself.
In a nutshell, the Chicago Plan provides an outline for the transition
from a system of privately-issued debt-based money to a system of
government-issued debt-free money, transferring the real control of money
creation from private sector banks to the government. By inference, the
Chicago Plan would also eliminate the Federal Reserve's ability to create money
as a private institution, as it would be nationalized by incorporating it into
the U.S. Treasury. Further, such a system would eliminate the need for the FDIC
(Federal Deposit Insurance Corp.) as banks could only lend from the deposits
they actually had.
Radical Revision of the Modern
Monetary System Likely Not Politically Feasible
While it sounds great on paper, any new Chicago Plan for a radical
reform of the monetary/financial system could well suffer the same fate as the
original Chicago Plan, which although it was deliberated in Congressional
Committees, was never
adopted as law, despite widespread approval expressed by
235 economists from academia, including Fisher Fisher (1936)
and Graham (1936), and continued advocacy after the war, including
Allais(1947), Friedman (1960), and Tobin (1985) supporting. Basically, the
Chicago Plan died out due to strong resistance from the banking sector, and
undoubtedly resistance from the Federal Reserve. Interestingly, John
Maynard Keynes, the father of Keynesian economic policies that allowed private
sector banks to retain control over the creation of money, did not support the
Chicago Plan and was squarely in the bankers' corner.
As even Kansas City Fed president Thomas Hoenig has openly questioned,
"How is it possible that post-crisis legislation
(to change/improve the system) leaves large financial institutions still in
control of our country's economic destiny?" Washington's
reluctance to take on the too-big-to-fail banks as well as the Fed is
understandable if you consider, a) the massive political contributions and
lobbying by the finance, insurance and real estate sectors, and b) the
government's almost total dependence on the Fed to maintain positive economic
momentum while Congress dithers on the so-called fiscal cliff. The
Sunlight Foundation estimates to be USD6.2 billion in political contributions
to federal election candidates over a 13-year period, and some USD2 billion
since 1998, The Center for Responsive Politics estimates that the finance, insurance and real estate sector
spent USD6.8 billion on federal lobbying and campaign contributions from 1998
through 2011, or USD1 billion more than any other
sector. More than have of the lobbyists working for these sectors are
ex-government officials and in many cases, onetime
lawmakers and staffers who helped write laws that deregulated the industry.
Although it has been two years since the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer
Protection Act (DFA) was signed into law, many rules are
still not in place or final. Standard & Poor's now estimate that the DFA
could reduce pretax earnings for the eight large, complex banks by a total of
$22 billion to $34 billion per
year--higher than their prior estimate of $19.5 billion to
$26 billion, mainly because of stricter regulation of derivatives trading and
limitations on proprietary trading and investments. One can only imagine the
hit to large money center bank earnings from a reversion to plain, vanilla
envelop lending based on actual deposits, and the corollary hit to sector
employment, particularly highly paid traders and investment bankers.
While Congressmen such as Dennis Kucinich have introduced legislation
such as the N.E.E.D Act to nationalize the Fed under the U.S. Treasury and some
250 Congressmen have demanded an audit of the Fed, the economic destiny of
developed nations such as the U.S., the U.K. and Japan will be in the hands of
a few large too-big-to-fail financial institutions for the foreseeable
future, ...until the next financial crisis causes more widespread systemic
failure and an implosion of the house-of-cards financial system where money
creation is dependent on even more debt creation.
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